Anti-Bullying Legislation: Safer Schools through Legal Intervention

By Marizen Ramirez, PhD, MPH

Bullying is the most frequent form of peer victimization in schools, impacting about 10-25% of all children across the United States. The effects of bullying on children have been well-documented, from psychological and physical harm, poor academic performance, alcohol and drug use, and violent behaviors. In its most extreme form, relentless bullying has even driven some young people to suicide. The 2011 documentary, Bully, depicts the tragic stories of Tyler Long and Ty Smalley, who, because of the chronic ridicule and physical harassment they faced, took their own lives.

Stories like Tyler’s and Ty’s have pushed bullying into the public eye, making it a public health issue of national importance. Across the country, efforts abound to prevent bullying and to help provide safe, welcoming environments for our children when they are at school.

Bullying prevention is being approached in a few different ways. National campaigns like Stop Bullying Now! work to increase awareness about bullying and strategies for prevention. Since its inception, the Stop Bullying Now! campaign has provided resources, including an online toolkit of educational materials, to schools and youth clubs throughout the country. Schools have also implemented a variety of anti-bullying curricula to improve school climate and prevent bullying behaviors in schools. Among these programs are the famous Olweus program developed in Norway in the 1980s, and Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (PBIS), a program targeting the reduction in school-wide behavioral problems including bullying. The effectiveness of curricula, such as Olweus and PBIS, in reducing rates of bullying in American schools has yet to proven, however.

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On Scientific Journals as a Bulwark Against Research Misconduct

By Patrick O’Leary

I’ve been thinking a lot lately about how our society regulates the integrity of scientific research in an era of fierce competition for diminishing grants and ultracompetitive academic appointments. When I shared a draft paper on this topic a few weeks ago, several colleagues urged me to think more about the role played by academic journals, so I was interested to see this article in Nature last week about a recently uncovered criminal scam defrauding two European science journals and countless would-be authors. It caught my attention because it seems to belie the notion that the journals and the honest scientific community are sophisticated enough actors to be trusted to root out the fabrication, falsification, and plagiarism that constitute “research misconduct” under Federal law. Needless to say, it takes a different kind of expertise to discern scientific misconduct than to uncover a more mundane phishing scam like the one these cons were running, but the anecdote stands as a nice reminder of the fallibility even of great minds.

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Introducing Ryan Abbott

Ryan Abbott, M.D., J.D., M.T.O.M., is Associate Professor of Law at Southwestern Law School. He has served as a consultant on health care financing and regulation, intellectual property, and public health for international organizations, academic institutions and private enterprises including the World Health Organization, World Intellectual Property Organization and University of California, Los Angeles. Professor Abbott has published widely on issues associated with health care law and intellectual property protection in legal, medical, and scientific peer-reviewed journals.

Professor Abbott is a licensed physician, attorney, and acupuncturist. He is a graduate of the University of California, San Diego School of Medicine and the Yale Law School, as well as a Summa Cum Laude graduate from Emperor’s College (MTOM) and a Summa Cum Laude graduate from University of California, Los Angeles (BS). Professor Abbott has been the recipient of numerous research fellowships, scholarships and awards, and has served as Principal Investigator of biomedical research studies at University of California. He is a registered patent attorney with the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office and a member of the California and New York State Bars.

Some of Dr. Abbott’s recent publications include: Read More

Public Health Protection under the EPA Lead and Copper Rule

Dr. Yanna Lambrinidou and Dr. Marc Edwards

It is generally safe to assume that, when it comes to contaminants in drinking water, consumers are protected by regulation and proactive water utilities.

One noteworthy exception is the federal law promulgated to protect the public from lead at the tap. Known as the Lead and Copper Rule (LCR), this law splits responsibility for minimizing exposures between utilities and consumers. The rationale for this “shared responsibility” approach is that in the majority of cases lead leaches into water from lead service lines (LSLs) (i.e., the pipes that connect water mains to individual homes) and lead-bearing home plumbing materials (e.g., lead solder, leaded brass). These sources of lead are often partly or fully inside the home – LSLs and lead solder were used routinely until 1986, and the use of leaded brass will continue to be legal until 2014. Moreover, differences in plumbing and water usage (e.g., volume, flow), make lead leaching in every house unique. Under the LCR, utilities are required to monitor a small number of homes considered “high risk” for lead in water, but consumers are responsible for having their own water tested and for adopting health-protective water-use practices that minimize the risk of exposure.

When utilities detect elevated lead levels in more than 10% of the homes they sample, they must tell consumers how to avoid exposure by, for example, flushing stagnant water before use and avoiding consumption of hot tap water (especially for reconstituting infant formula). They must also implement a LSL replacement program.  Although full LSL replacement is the only way to eliminate the risk from lead pipes, the LCR requires utilities to replace only the portion of a LSL that they own. The consumer-owned portion of the line is left in place, unless homeowners agree to pay for its removal, which can cost several hundred to several thousand dollars.

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Fox on “The Flawed Logic of Prenatal Discrimination”

Dov Fox has an interesting new piece up at HuffPo examining the constitutionality of the abortion restrictions just enacted  in North Dakota:

As the Supreme Court heard oral arguments this week in the same-sex marriage cases, North Dakota enacted three of the most restrictive abortion laws in the country. Two of them are unlike any ever considered by U.S. courts.

One bans abortion wholesale after a fetal heartbeat is “detectable” (as early as six weeks into a pregnancy), unless termination would save the woman’s life. The other law forbids any abortion that’s sought on the basis of fetal sex or genetic anomaly, even fatal ones.

Both laws should be struck down as unconstitutional. But the selective abortion ban presents new legal questions for supporters of reproductive rights. Indeed, the Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade declined to insist that a woman “is entitled to terminate her pregnancy . . . for whatever reason she alone chooses.”

 Keep reading…

New Paper on Conscience and the ACA

Piggy-backing on Glenn’s post below, I just wanted to point you to my contribution to the same symposium issue of Ethical Perspectives.  The paper, “Religious Liberty, Conscience, and the Affordable Care Act,” can be downloaded here, and copied below is the abstract:

Broadly applicable legal requirements often come into conflict with moral or religious standards that individuals and organizations feel more strongly compelled to obey. Making room for such moral and religious standards in secular society is important, but can be difficult, since any exemptions or accommodations cannot be allowed frustrate the purpose of the general law, and must also be fair to those who remain subject to it without any special arrangements.

This essay briefly surveys the ways in which the Affordable Care Act might come into conflict with moral and religious beliefs held by both individuals and institutions, and describes the government accommodations that have been offered or considered to date. In particular, it focuses on the requirement that employers offer insurance coverage for free contraceptives and the requirement that individuals purchase insurance coverage that may include services they find objectionable. In both cases, I conclude that the proffered accommodations should be altered to enhance fairness as between objectors and non-objectors.

Happy Public Health Week: “We’re Good Enough, We’re Smart Enough, and Doggone It, People Like Us”

By Scott Burris

We may be living in a golden age of group-think. A weekly reminder is poor Paul Krugman railing against the apparently universal belief in America and Europe that we’ve got to cut budgets right now or disaster will strike. He calls this a Zombie idea, a false claim that has been falsified with plenty of stakes in the heart, silver bullets and blows to the head, but will not stay in the grave.

Closer to home for us in public health is the claim that Americans don’t like government rules regulating their behavior and meddling with their preferences.  Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler have delivered some solid blows to the idea that paternalism typically messes with solid preferences. As we celebrate Public Health Week, I want to highlight two recent papers that show that Americans, like the children in Mary Poppins, actually like their nannies, who do some pretty great things.

Public Health Law Research has recently posted the manuscript of a paper that Evan Anderson and I have prepared for the Annual Review of Law and Social Science. The paper describes the dramatic rise of law as a tool of public health since the 1960s in five major domains: traffic safety, gun violence, tobacco use, reproductive health and obesity.  These topical stories illustrate both law’s effectiveness and limitations as a public health tool. They also establish its popularity by the most apt of metrics – the willingness of legislators to enact it. The one picture worth a thousand words, below, depicts the rapid adoption of a variety of interventions by state legislatures. (By the way, the five examples also show that public health law research can and does influence the development and refinement of legal interventions over time.)

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New Paper on Coercion and the Constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act

I have a new paper on the Supreme Court’s decision on the Affordable Care Act, just published in the European peer-reviewed philosophy journal Ethical Perspectives. It is available for free download here.  Here is the abstract:

While NFIB v. Sebelius largely upheld the Affordable Care Act (ACA), it did not do so as as to the proposed expansion of Medicaid. Seven of the nine U,S, Supreme Court Justices (all except Justices Ginsburg and Sotomayor) endorsed a ‘coercion’ argument that gave individual States a right of objection grounded in the Constitution’s Spending Clause, wherein individual states could refuse to expand Medicaid as demanded by the federal government without being directly penalized by a denial of federal funding. Two Justices in dissent focused on the lack of judicial administrability of such a standard, and suggested it would open up a Pandora’s box of future constitutional challenges without any clear rules.

In this article, part of a symposium on philosophical analysis of the Court’s decision published in the peer-reviewed journal Ethical Perspectives, I discuss what I see as a more fundamental question: by what theory is the Medicaid expansion coercive, and even if coercive, by what theory is it coercive in a problematic way that justifies constitutional redress?

The Court’s failure to address this issue stems, in part, from confusion over what it means for an offer to be coercive. In some sense, Justice Kagan seemed to recognize this issue in a question to Paul Clement, the lawyer for the challengers to the ACA, at oral argument: “Why is a big gift from the federal government a matter of coercion?” Kagan asked. “It’s just a boatload of federal money for you to take and spend on poor people’s health care,” Kagan added. “It doesn’t sound coercive to me, I have to tell you.” The exchange is all the more curious because, despite her scepticism, Kagan signed on to the Court’s holding that the Medicaid expansion was coercive.

I will examine this issue by first discussing whether Medicaid itself and the ACA’s expansion are coercive (as stand-alone offers). I will then examine whether the offer to change from the existing Medicaid program to the ACA’s Medicaid expansion was problematic. I will analyze these questions under the assumption that the Court is not committing a category error by treating States as the kinds of entities subject to this kind of coercion inquiry. In my conclusion, however, I briefly consider whether that assumption is warranted.

The Iraq War and Health Worker Brain Drain

I am writing my student fellowship paper under the broad topic of health worker “brain drain,” so I have been keeping an eye out for related news stories.  Two stories that caught my eye in the past few weeks were about the health worker migration from civil war torn Syria and economic-crisis ridden Sudan.   In Syria for example, half the doctors in Homs and all of the country’s nine psychiatrists have recently migrated.   In Sudan, 1620 doctors left the country last year compared to 338 in 2008.  In countries like these, especially Syria where medical personnel have been targets of violence, solutions to stem the migration or replenish the ranks seem particularly futile.  Additionally, these countries’ self-inflicted wounds, including civil wars and poor administration, complicate matters.  Not only do these internal struggles diminish the probable efficacy of potential solutions to the brain drain, but they also negate the perceived responsibility of the countries receiving these migrants, diminishing their will to help counteract the deleterious effects of the brain drain.

Civil war stricken countries like Syria present especially difficult cases for developed nation responsibility and intervention.  But these news stories led me to think about brain drain and responsibility that results from war, specifically wars waged by developed nations in developing ones.  A prime example is the recent war in Iraq.  The Brookings Institute estimates that 20,000 of the 34,000 Iraqi doctors in the country in 2003 have migrated, and only 1525 had returned as of 2009.  They also cite that 2000 Iraqi physicians have been murdered and 250 have been kidnapped over the same period.  50% of surveyed Iraqi doctors living both in Iraq and abroad said they had been threatened.[1]  A recent article in Lancet describes that before 2003 the major problems facing the Iraqi healthcare system stemmed from drug shortages and poverty.  These problems have been superseded by violence and failing infrastructure in the intervening years.  The brain drain has likely been exacerbated by these new threats.

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Disseminating Where It Matters

By Scott Burris
Public Health Law Research funded Dr. Caleb Banta-Green to evaluate the implementation and initial effects of a Washington State “Good Samaritan 911” law meant to encourage people witnessing a drug overdose to call for help. The research results are getting out in the usual way, but it was great to see Dr. Banta-Green talking about his findings and what the might mean on the blog of the Office of National Drug Control Policy. Overdose is a huge health issue in the US, but solving it will require the buy in of law enforcement and legislators who defer to law enforcement on drug issues.  It’s great to see research producing the right conversation in the right place.