Friday Jan 25th @ BU Law. Focusing on current constitutional and treaty-based challenges (WTO, First Amendment, BITs, TRIPS). Details here.
February 26-27, 2013
Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
|Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma
Chairperson, African Union Commission
|Dr. Margaret Chan
Director-General, World Health Organization
How do international laws and institutions regarding tobacco, trade, investment, agriculture and economic development intersect? What are the implications for global tobacco control efforts? How should public health concerns be taken into account in international economic policymaking? What is the proper balance between a government’s obligations to protect the health of its citizens and other international agreements to which it has subscribed? What are the broader implications for global governance and for global health?
This conference will bring together representatives from governments, intergovernmental organizations, civil society, business, and academia to explore these questions with the objective of:
The conference is being hosted by the Harvard School of Public Health’s Center for Global Tobacco Control and the Harvard Global Health Institute’s Forum on Global Governance for Health, with advice and support from the World Health Organization’s Tobacco-Free Initiative.
Additional support is provided by: American Legacy Foundation; American Cancer Society; the International Development Research Centre Canada; Campaign for Tobacco-free Kids; Harvard Law School; Framework Convention Alliance; O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law, Georgetown University; Institute for Global Tobacco Control, Johns Hopkins University; International Tobacco Control Policy Evaluation Project, University of Waterloo, Canada; Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance (SEATCA).
The Harvard University Program in Ethics and Health announces its annual conference, Universal Health Coverage in Low-Income Countries: Ethical Issues, to be held in Boston on April 18-19, 2013.
Until very recently, universal coverage (“UC”) has been achieved in the health systems primarily in the wealthiest countries. Though there have been notable exceptions, including Cuba, it has been assumed that most of the world’s peoples would have to wait until economic development in their countries lifted them into the world’s upper class. The successful UC initiatives of middle-income countries such as Mexico, Thailand, and Taiwan demonstrated that UC was achievable without very high national GDP.
Can Universal Coverage be achieved in even the world’s lowest-income countries? China’s recent health reform, which in three years has extended health coverage to 95% of Chinese citizens, including innovative financing initiatives in some of the poorest provinces, has focused the attention of governments of low-income countries on UC. The World Health Organization’s annual report of 2010, Health Systems Financing: The Path to Universal Coverage, identified the prospects for UC in even the least-developed countries and sparked an international effort to pursue this once-elusive goal.
While maintaining a constructive and optimistic frame of mind is essential for progress toward UC, it is necessary also to identify the key ethical dilemmas arising in trying to extend the health system to all with so few resources. The choices are unavoidable:
Each country will resolve these dilemmas in its own way. Our hope is that this conference will enhance their capacity for ethical deliberation in UC, so that the ethical choices can be made responsibly and thoughtfully.
Dates: Thursday and Friday, April 18-19, 2013
Times: 8:00 AM – 6:00 PM Each Day
The Inn at Longwood Medical (Best Western Boston)
Longwood Hall, 342 Longwood Avenue, Boston, Massachusetts
No fee. Space limited. Registration required. Please register on our registration website.
By Scott Burris
In a well-known exchange, Richard Epstein argued that modern public health had strayed far outside its traditional and proper work of preventing epidemics and injuries into a realm of social engineering in which it lacked both competence and legitimacy. William Novak, the historian, disagreed, emphasizing the continuity of our public quest for well-ordered, salubrious (and virtuous) communities. Deciding whether public health is winning or losing in the legal arena – and figuring out how we win more often — depends to some degree on what game it is we think we are playing – that is, on whether Epstein or Novak is right.
I think they both are, and it is worth considering how. I suspect that most of us think, without going too deeply, that we’re doing pretty much the same thing that Lemuel Shattuck was doing at the dawn of modern American public health: marshaling collective resources to use data to diagnose, treat and prevent harm to public health. And if that’s what you think you’re doing, his report is still an excellent guide to making the case for legal action: evidence shows that we can prevent morbidity and mortality in a cost-effective way that does not significantly interfere with anyone’s rights and makes our society stronger and more competitive.
But law, at least, is a very good area for asking whether we are doing something quite different than our grandmother’s public health. The use of law as a tool of intervention in public health – as a way of creating safer products and environments and incentivizing healthier behavior — has exploded since the 1960s. Yes, you can find public health law at work in the early 17th century, but when I was born in 1956, there was no OSHA, no EPA, no NHTSA. No warning labels on dangerous products. No safety belt standards or laws. Minimal limits on drinking and driving. No federal clean water or air standards. An unrecognizable FDA. And so on it goes. In the great Novak-Epstein debate, Novak is right that we have a rich tradition of public health regulation, and plenty of paternalism and interference with individual rights based on epidemiological evidence of preventable harms. This is public health as sic utere, then and now largely a matter of showing how someone is doing something that demonstrably imposes costs on others. That’s why the debate Shattuck was waging sounds so familiar to contemporary ears. (And, by the way, that extends to the moralism implicit in our “scientific” recommendations about healthy lifestyles.)
But Epstein is right, too, I think, to observe that something is different. Public health is now a pillar of the regulatory state and the risk society, deeply enmeshed in the project of defining and minimizing risks great and, let’s face it, small. We deploy complex regulatory systems, some of which work and some of which we continue to defend anyway, in spite of our own commitments to evidence. As matters like obesity and inequality take intervention further and further from proximate to distal links in the causal chain, our ability to back our proposals with evidence, and evidence that speaks to an everyday sense of causality, becomes severely attenuated. Much of what we propose rests on a vision of the good – salus populi – that is as much a matter of values as it is of evidence. Failing to own that, we fool ourselves without winning over our audience.
By Nir Eyal